The child protection law, passed by the Hungarian parliament on June 15, has unleashed one of the biggest offensives against Viktor Orbán’s government. The new law caused a wave of hysteria among Brussels bureaucrats and an immediate reaction from the Commissar Vera Jourova, who has long been sharpening her knives against Hungary and Poland, who announced on 22 June that she was preparing a sanctions dossier against Hungary. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who called the new law “shameful” for banning talks on homosexuality in Hungarian schools, said she would use “the full power of the Commission” to protect the fundamental rights of Europeans in Hungary. Apparently, LGBT talks for children are a fundamental right. But the most overreaction came from the Prime Minister of the Netherlands and good friend of the Soros family, Mark Rutte, who declared that Hungarians should be brought to their knees. On the Hungarian side, Justice Minister Judit Varga responded in an interview on Radio Kossuth that “the European Commission, with the support of the European Parliament, wants Hungary to allow LGBTQ activists and organizations into kindergartens and schools, but Hungary does not want that”, and stressed that the law does not violate any European standards. However, no matter what the Hungarians said or what was written in the law, the witch-hunt had already begun.
Of course, the campaign was enthusiastically supported by the mainstream media, which was quick to call the Hungarian child protection law a “homophobic law”. The role of one of Soros’ organizations, the Civil Liberties Union for Europe, an NGO promoting civil liberties in the European Union, is noteworthy. On their website, Liberties, Israel Butler and Valentin Toth published an article on 15 June in the “Empowerment” section in which they pointed out that it was a mistake to talk about a law against pedophilia. The authors advise that “journalists and activists should stop for a moment and think about the words they use in their accounts and campaigns”, i.e. they lecture journalists on what phrases to use when reporting on the Hungarian law and not to call the law by its name. Three days later the news channel hvg.hu started calling the law a “homophobic law”, mentioning this term in nine articles in the space of 26 hours, and later other liberal newspapers began to do the same.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) added Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to its list of heads of government who are “predators” of press freedom, a small group that includes Jair Bolsonaro, Alexander Lukashenko, Nicolas Maduro and Vladimir Putin. In the 2021 press freedom ranking, RSF ranks Hungary in 92nd place, below Haiti and Lesotho, but better than Mauritania and Guinea Bissau. In the face of this new smear campaign, Judit Varga pointed out that the “Soros ‘ex machina’ kicked in again” and recalled the huge donations from Soros’ foundations to RSF.
A lie repeated a thousand times is not a truth, and the truth is that in Hungary there are many media hostile to the government and that there is no censorship, something they cannot boast of in the European Union. In June the Hungarian government decided to pay for an advertisement in different European newspapers and online media of seven key points for the future of the European Union. Some, such as the Spanish ABC, had no problem with the advertising campaign, but 20 media companies refused to publish it. Five did not even justify their decision and the rest referred to “editorial decisions”. Another example is the “POLITICO Europe” website, which refused to publish an opinion piece by Judit Varga on the child protection law.
Inside, Hungarian LGBT organizations such as the Labrisz Lesbian Association (Labrisz Leszbikus Egyesület), Háttér Társaság, Budapest Pride, the Transvanilla Transgender Association or the Hungarian LGBTQ Association, are funded by the Soros network. The Hungarian portal Origo has compiled the money, which has been increasing over the past years, that the Open Society Foundation (OSF) has injected into these associations: Labrisz received 11 million florins in 2019, 25 million florins were given to Háttér Társaság and 6 million florins to Budapest Pride. In addition to paying their salaries, this money is used to promote gender ideology. A good example is the children’s storybook “A Fairytale for Everyone” published in September 2020 by the Labrisz Lesbian Association. A homosexual storybook for children which, according to the association’s own “Annual Report 2020”, was edited, corrected and promoted with around 4.1 million florins paid by the OSF. The book, which with the new law passed in Hungary could not have seen the light of day, was intended according to the original subtitle for “activity plans for pre-school and primary school teachers”. This was later changed to “activity plans for teachers”, omitting the pre-school age group in the face of the enormous controversy it aroused. In addition to protest demonstrations, all sorts of groups and publications, such as Élet és Irodalom (Life and Literature) called the book “shameful”.
This book has been the basis of one of the two infringement proceedings brought by Brussels against Hungary on Thursday. The first, which also includes Poland, concerns the alleged violation of “LGBT” rights, but the second focuses on the book being required to indicate that it “presents behaviors that deviates from traditional gender roles” and that this violates freedom of expression and even the unfair commercial practices directive. These proceedings will have to be resolved in the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), in a process that could take years, but the truth is that, as Hungary rightly points out, this measure falls within the competence of the member states and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights states that only parents have the right to determine the education of their children. In the meantime, this campaign will continue. Another offensive against Hungary, and to a lesser extent against Poland, as part of Brussels’ particular war against countries that refuse to surrender their sovereignty and accept the globalist ideological roller. A war in which the Soros network is central: by influencing or directing the media, by using “civil society” groups to denounce and present accusatory evidence, and by its enormous influence within the European Commission and the European Justice. The European Parliament has already called for a freeze on promised EU funds until the Hungarians give in, but the Commission does not yet have the means to carry out this threat. The offensive will therefore continue in the media and in political statements and will increase as the Hungarian elections approach in less than a year’s time. One can only hope that this time, as on all previous occasions, Hungarians and Poles will continue to stand firm.
Álvaro Peñas
